Способы словообразования английского языка

      With respect to both denominal verbs (type loan verb f. loan substantive) and deverbal substantives (type look substantive f look verb) it can be seen that as early as Old English a derivational connection existed between the present-infinitive stem of weak verb on the one hand and the stem  of nouns on the other. As for deverbal substantive, there was some competition in the early stages of the language. Like other Germanic languages, Old English had strong verbs that were connected with substantives containing an ablaut vowel of the verb (ridan/rad, bindan/bend, beran/bora). However , this derivational type was unproductive so far back as Old English. The present-infinitive stem of strong verbs came to be felt to represent the derivative basis for deverbal substantives in exactly the same way as did the corresponding stem of weak verbs: ride verb/ride substantive=look verb/look substantive. But this contention of Biese's needs qualification: 'these facts indicate the resistance should by strong verbs to the process of converting them into nouns before, owing to the introduction of weak inflections, a distinct idea of a universal verb-stem had been developed'. Many of the verbs had weak forms that derived substantives at an early date have either never had weak forms are rare or later than the substantives. Verbs such as bite, fall, feel, fold, freeze, have, grind, hide make steal, tread are cases in point.  This goes to show that the existence of weak verb forms is incidental to the rise of a derivational connection between the present infinitive stem of strong verbs and the stem of substantive.

      This derivational connection is partly due to class where a strong verb and a substantive of the same root existed in OE and where phonetic development resulted in closely resembling forms for both in ME. OE for, faru was fare by the end of the 12^th century while the corresponding OE verb faran had reached the stage of faren or fare about the same time. Other examples of pairs are bidan 'stay'/bid 'delay, dwelling place', bindan 'bind'/bind 'band, tie', drincan 'drink'/drinc, drinca 'drink', fleotan 'float'/fleot 'place, where water flows', helpan 'help'/help, hreowan 'rue'/hreow 'rue', slepan 'sleep'/sl  p, slep 'sleep'. The derivational relation as it have been described them were fully established around 200. 
 
 
 
 

      Zero-derivation as a "specifically English process". 

      It is usually assumed that the loss of ending gave rise to derivation by a zero morpheme. Jespersen/5/ gives a somewhat to simplifying picture of its rise and development . 'As a great many native nouns and verbs had...come be identical in form..., as the same things happened with numerous originally French words..., it was quite natural that the speech-instinct should take it as a matter of course that whenever the need of a verb arose, it might be formed without any derivative ending from the corresponding substantive'. He called the process 'specifically English'. As a matter of fact, derivation by a zero morpheme is neither specifically English nor does it start, as Jespersen's presentation would make it appear when most ending had disappeared. Biese's/3/ study shows quit clearly that it began to develop on a larger scale at the beginning of the 13^th century , i.e. at a time when final verbal -n had not yet been dropped, when the plural ending of the present was not yet -en or zero, and when the great influx of French loan words had not yet started. Bauer doesn't think that the weakening of the inflectional system had anything to do with the problem of zero derivation. Stems are immediate elements for the speaker, who is aware of the syntagmatic character of an inflected form. He therefor has no trouble in connecting verbal and nominal stems provided they occur in sufficiently numerous pairs to establish a derivational pattern. In Latin which is a highly inflected language, denominal verbs are numerous: corona/coronare, catena/catenare, lacrima/lacrimare; cumulus/cumulare, locus/locare, truncus/truncare, nomen, nomin-/nominare; sacer/sacrare. In Modern Spanish there are full sets of verbal ending (though in the declension only gender and number are expressed) both types of zero-derivation are very productive. The weakening of the inflectional system in English, therefor , can't have much to do with development of zero-derivation.          

      On the other hand, it cannot be denied that despite the relative productivity of corresponding derivational types in other languages, the derivative range the English patterns, that of denominal verbs, is still greater. The explanation of this seems to de that English, unlike Latin, French, Spanish, or German, never had any  competitive types. So, whenever a derivation was made nouns, it followed the one pattern that existed, i.e. derivation by zero morpheme. The only derivative morphemes PE has for denominal verbs are -ate, -ize, -ify. They have restricted range of derivative force: -ate is latinizing and leaned, -ify is learned while -ize is chiefly technical. All three derive almost exclusively on a Latin morphologic basis. The suffixal type dark-en was not originally a deadjectival pattern; in any case, it would have to a certain extent rivaled the type idle verb f. Idle adjective only. Derivation by a morpheme, esp. The type loan verb f. Loan substantive, must therefore be considered the norm and is quite naturally very strong in English. In German, there are many competitive types. It is bath mutated and unmutated verbs (faul-en, hart-en, draht-en, haut-en). There are also denominal verbs with a derivative morpheme ( stein-ig-en, rein-ig-en; with a foreign morpheme telefon-ier-en, lack-ier-en ). In addition, German makes use of the prefixes be-, er-, ver-. Such types as ver-rohen, ver-jung-er, vergrosser-n; er-kalt-en, er-leichter-n; be-end-ig-en, be-herz-ig-en, ver-eid-ig-en have no counterparts in English. English be- has never played a serious role in denominal derivation. Nor has the type em-bed ever become productive to any larger extent. The productivity of the type loan verb f. Loan substantive seems to be thus reasonably for. The deverbal type look substantive f. Look verb has been less prolific and is partly bound up with certain syntactic patterns of grouping. For this, it is do had competitive patterns. There are the suffixal types arriv-al, break-ade, guid-ance, improve-ment, organiz-ation and the verbal substantive type writ-ing though the latter has now chiefly role of deriving action nouns proper. This is the reason why so many zero-derivatives from verbs of Latin and French origin, coined the 15^th and 16^th centuries, were subsequently replaced by suffixal derivatives in -al, -age, -ance, ment. "After 1650 the suffix formation have completely gained the upper hand of the direct conversion of the disyllabic and trisyllabic words derived from French and Latin verbs"(Biese).

      Zero-derivation with loan-words. 

      As for Latin and French words and derivation from, there are comparatively few derivatives before (Biese/3/). French words were for some time felt to be foreign elements and were not "converted" with the same ease as native stems were. The phenomenon is in no way different from the one it is observed with derivation by suffixes. Loan words remain strangers for a time, and it usually takes time before a derivation type is applied to a heterogeneous class of words. Zero - derivation was facilitated by the eo-existence of borrowed substantives and verbs., as anchor substantive a 880 (=L) / anchor verb e 1230 (the OED has doubts, but F ancrer is recorded in the 12^th e., as Bloeh ). Account substantive 1260/verb 1303, change substantive 1225/verb 1230, charge substantive 1225/verb 1297, cry substantive 1275/verb 1225, dance substantive 1300/verb 1300, double adjective 1225/verb 1290, doubt substantive 1225/verb 1225, poison substantive 1230/verb 13.., rule substantive 1225/verb 1225.

      There are quite a few verbs with French roods for which no French verbs are recorded and which may accordingly be treated as zero derivatives: feeble verb 1225/adjective 1175, hardy verb 1225/adjective 1225, master verb 1225/substantive a 1000, pool verb 1275/adjective 1200, saint verb 1225/substantive 1175. On the other hand, the substantive grant 1225 may be derived from the verb grant 1225. It is only after 1300 that the process of zero-derivation is as firmly rooted with French as with native words. Though French originals for later English words may occur, it is just as safe to consider them as derivatives, as centre verb 1610 fr, centre substantive 1374, combat verb 1564 fr, combat substantive 1567 (or the reverse), guard verb 1500 fr, guard substantive 1426 and others.

      Words of Scandinavian origin were more easily incorporated than French words, and derivation occurs as  early as the 13^th c.: trist "trust", boon "ask as a boon, pray for", brod "shoot, sprout", smithy "make into a smithy" a.o. (see Biese /3/).  

      The illustration of various types. 

      Type loan verb fr. loan substantive

      (desubstantival verbs.) 

      Many PE verbs. go back to OE : answer (andsharu / andswarian), blossom (blostm / blostnian), claw (clawu / clawian), fish (fisc / fiscian), fire (fyr / fytian), harm (hearm / hearmian),wonder (wundor / wundrian), bill "strike with the bill, peck", ground "bring to the ground", loan (1240), back (OE), butter (OE), experiment (ME), lamb (OE), night (OE), piece (ME), pit "cart into a pit"(OE), plank (ME), plate (ME), plow, plough (OE), plague (ME), priest (OE), promise (ME), prose (ME), ridge (OE), rivet (ME), rode (ME), root (EME), sack (OE), sauce "season" (ME), scale (ME), screen (ME), shoulder (OE), side (OE), silver (OE), sponge (OE), spot (ME), story (ME), streak (OE), summer (OE), table (ME), thong (OE), tin (OE), veil (ME), winter (OE), all before 1500.

      Angle "run into a corner" (ME), balance (ME), butcher (ME), cipher (ME), cloister (ME), coffin (ME), collar (ME), colt "run wild as a colt" (ME), cipher (ME), fancy (1465), fin (OE), gesture (ME), girdle (OE), glove (OE), gossip (OE), grade (1511), husk (ME), kennel (ME), knob (ME), ladle (OE), latch (ME), launder (ME), lecture (ME), libel (ME), mother (OE), neighbor (OE), place (ME), pole (ME), riddle "speak in riddles" (OE), shell (OE), shop (ME), star (OE), stomach "be offended" (ME), sun (OE), vision (ME), all 16^th century blanket (ME), casket (1467), lamp (ME), leaf (OE), pilot (1530), race "run" (ME), soldier (ME), all 17^th century Capture (1541), diamond (ME), onion (ME), stocking (1583), tour (ME), all 18^th century Scrimmage (1470), shin (OE), signal (ME), torpedo (1520), vacation (ME), wolf "eat like a wolf" (OE), 19^th century, major 1927.

      It would be difficult to give a complete list of derivatives as there is an ever growing tendency verbs from substantives without derivative morphemes. A few recent are service, contact (1929), audition, debut, package, chairman, page, date (1928), process (1945), waitress (1946), pressure (not in OED or Spl.), feature (rec., as in the play features). Mencken/9/ gives many more, most of which are, however, hardly used.  

      It is likewise useless to try a classification to sense-groups, as there is no class-denoting formative. The verb may denote almost any verbal action connected with the basis of the underlying substantive. The verb bed has or has had the meanings "spread a bed", "put to bed" (with various implications), "go to bed", "sleep with", and there are more technical meanings. Bladin/4/ had already pointed out that "every action or occurrence can be designated by a verb derived from the very noun the idea of which most easily enters the mind of the person wanting to state a fact", and if Jespersen says that "it is difficult to give a general definition of the sense-relation between substantive and de-substantival verbs", this is rather an understatement. It may be recognized certain groups, as "put in ...", "furnish, cover, affect ...", but it should be noted that each of these senses is only one the many which the same verb has or may have. Biese/3/, therefore, makes no attempt at classification, and he is certainly right in doing so. It may, however, be worthy of note that the privative sense as in dust "remove the dust (from)" is frequent only with technical terms denoting various kinds of dressing or cleaning. Exs are bur wool or cotton, burl cloth, poll, pollard trees, bone, gut, scale fish.

      The meaning of a certain verb is clear in a certain speech situation. That brain means "smash the b.",can "preserve in cans", winter "pass the winter", is a result of given circumstances which establish the bridge of understanding between the speaker and the person or persons spoken to.

      There are derivatives from proper names, as boycott 1880 (orig. spelt with a capital, from  the name of Captain Boycott who was first boycotted), Shanghay 1871 'drug and press on board a vessel', Zeppelin 1916 'bomb from a zeppelin' (also clipped = zap).

      Some verbs often occur in the -ing substantive only (originally or chiefly), while finite verb forms or infinitives are not or rarely used, as hornpiping 'dancing a hornpipe' (no verb rec.), slimming, orcharding 'cultivation of fruit trees (no verb rec.). Dialling 'the art of construction dials', speeching, electioneering, engineering, parlamenteering, volunteering are the original forms. Converted cpds with -monger for a second-word are current only in the -ing form (merit-mongering, money-mongering etc.). Innings are not matched by any other verb form, nor are cocking 'cock-fighting', hopping 'hop-picking', moon-shining 'illicit distilling' and others.  

            Type idle verb fr. idle adjective. (deadjectival verbs). 

      To the OE period go back bitter, busy, cool, fair, fat, light, open, right, yellow (obs black, bright, dead, strong, old).

      From the period between about 1150 and 1200 are recorded obs sick 'suffer illness', soft, low (obs meek, hory, hale). The  following date from the period between about 1200 and 1300 (Biese has included the Cursor Mundi in this period): black, brown, loose, slight, better, blind (obs hardly, certain, rich, wide, broad, less). From the 14^th century are recorded ready, clear, grey, sore, pale, full, dull, round, gentle, English, tender, perfect (obs able, sound, weak, unable, honest, noble). From the 15^th century  purple, stale, clean, from the 16^th century shallow, slow, quiet, empty, bloody, idle, equal, dirty, parallel (and many other now obs words, as Biese points out). The 17^th century coined crimson, giddy, worst, blue, gallant, shy, tense, ridicule, unfit, ruddy (and many how obs words. Biese). From 18^th century Are recorded net 'gain as a net sum' 1758, total (once 1716, then 1859), negative, northern (said of landscape), invalid 'enter on the sick-list', queer 'cheat' ,  from the 19^th century desperate  'drive desperate',  stubborn, sly 'move in a stealthy manner',  chirk  'make cheerful', gross 'make a gross profit' 1884, southern (said of wind),  aeriform, true. From our century there are such words as pretty, wise, lethal, big.

      Usually, deadjectival verbs denote change of state, and the meaning is either 'become ...' or 'make ...'. Intransitive verbs with meaning 'be...' (as idle, sly, equal) from quite a small group. Some verbs have a comparative or superlative as root: better, best, worst, perhaps lower.  

      Type out verb fr out particle (verbs derived from

      locative particles).

      Derivation from locative particles is less common than the preceding types. In Old English there are yppan,  fremman (with i-mutation from up, fram), framian, utian. Later are over 'to master' 1456, obs  under 'cast down' 1502, off  'put off' 1642, down 1778, nigh 'draw near' 1200, thwart 1250, west 'move towards the west' 1381, south 1725, north 1866, east 1858.

      These words, however, are not very common (except out and thwart).  
 
 
 

      Type hail verb fr hail interjection (verbs derived from

      minor particles). 

      Derivation from exclamation and interjection (most of there onomatopoeias) is more frequent. It will, however, be noted that many of these conversions have undergone functional and formal changes only without acquiring a well - grounded lexical existence, their meaning merely being "say..., utter the sound...". Exs are hail 1200, nay "say nay, refuse" 13.., mum 1399, obs. Hosht "reduce to silence" etc., whoo (16^th century), humph (17^th century), encore, dee-hup (to a horse), pshaw, halloa, yaw (speak affectedly", hurrah (18^th century), tally-ho (fox-hunting term), boo, yes, heigh-ho "sigh", bravo, tut, bow-wow, haw-haw, boo-hoo "weep noisily" etc. (Biese/3/ also Jespersen/5/).

      The meaning 'say...' may occur with other words also when they are used as exclamation or interjections, as with iffing (other verb forms are not recorded), hence 'order hence' (obs., 1580). And it may be reckoned here all the words of the type sir 'call sir'.

      From about 1600 on, geminated forms also occur as verbs. A few have been mentioned in the foregoing paragraph; others are snip-snap (1593),dingle-dangle, ding-dong, pit-pat (17^th century), pitter-patter, wiggle-waggle (18^th century), criss-cross, rap-tap, wig-wag (19^th century) etc.  
 

      The limits of verbal derivation. 

      Derivation from suffixed nouns is uncommon. Biese's/3/ treatment of the subject suffers from a lack of discrimination. He has about 600 examples of substantives and adjectives; but the 'suffixes' are mere terminations. Words such herring, pudding, nothing, worship are not derivatives. The terminations -ace, -ice, -ogue, -y (as in enemy) have never had any derivative force.

      Theoretically it would seem that the case of a suffixal composite such as boyhood is not different from that of a fill compound such as spotlight. But obviously the fact that suffixes are categorizers generally prevents suffixal derivatives from becoming the determinants of pseudo-compound verbs. There are very few that are in common use, such as waitress (rec.), package (rec., chiefly in form packaged, packaging), manifold OE (obsolescent today), forward 1596, referee 1889, such adjectives as dirty, muddy. Many more are recorded in OED (as countess, patroness, squiress, traitress  'play the...', fellowship, kingdom a.o.).

      Another reason seems to be still more important. Many of the nominal suffixes derive substantives from verbs., and it would be contrary to reason to form such verbs as arrival, guidance, improvement, organization when arrive, guide, improve, organize exist. Similar consideration apply to deadjectival derivatives like freedom or idleness. The verb disrupture is recorded in OED (though only in participial forms) but it is not common. Reverence is used as a verb, but it is much older (13.., 1290) than the verb revere (1661). It should also be noted that the alternation revere/reverence shows characteristics of vowel change and stress which are irregular with derivation by means of  -ance, -ence. For same reason reference is not a regular derivative from refer, which facilitated the coinage reference 'provide with references' etc. 1884.

      There are no verbal derivatives from prefixed words either. The verb unfit 'make unfit' 1611 is isolated.